I was holding it for a friend...honest.

   
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Now, as a good bureaucrat, I can assure you all, dear Readers, that I am 100% in favour of accountability.  People should take ownership for their actions and face their responsibilities, whether small (say, getting a decimal place wrong in technical report) or large (say, misleading the entire world about the existence of weapons of mass destruction).  By the looks of this excerpt from Colin Powell’s upcoming autobiography, the former general and secretary of state would agree…in principle…in so far as it goes…all things considered…so long as it only applies to other people.
 
In the article, Powell paints a picture of himself as the consumate ‘take charge’ leader.  He is a leader, not merely a functionary, a paragon of personal responsibility, forged over a lifetime of military and public service.  Indeed, the aim of the larger work from whence this excerpt stems seems to be to pass on leadership lessons that Powell has learned over his impressive career.  He passes on some useful and admirable points that many could learn from–whether in business, government, or other walks of life.  All good stuff.
 
What is not quite as good is that Powell does not seem to walk the walk–he does not ‘take charge’, as he enjoins us to do.  Even the title of the article betrays the sentiment: “Colin Powell on the Bush Administration’s Iraq War Mistakes.”  Other people made mistakes, mislead, or surprised Condi Rice, President Bush and him.  Powell is shy to accept blame for any of the decisions taken.  The closest he comes to ownership is to make it collective.  Referring to the aftermath of the Iraq invasion of 2003, he uses first person plural: “We broke it, we owned it, but we didn’t take charge.”  And even that rings with an air of “I told them so.”  Powell seems to be saying that blame may be shared, but not assumed.
 
Surely Powell must ‘take charge’ of the speech he delivered to the UN Security Council in the lead up to the invasion?  Well, no, not really.  He was misinformed, you see: “My infamous speech at the U.N…was not based on facts, though I thought it was”…”[Senior analysts] had big don’t knows that they never passed on.”  His message here about accountability is again not crystal clear: he chooses t0 use the third person, this time, to pass on his lessons.  “The leader can’t be let off without blame…He too bears a burden.”  Fine enough, but Powell chooses not to employ a single clear and unambigous admission of personal responsibility–there are no statements using ‘I’ or ‘me’ here.  The reader is left wondering why he didn’t just say, “I cannot be let off without blame…I too bear a burden.”
 
Powell’s obfuscation and avoidance does not do him credit.  He needs to ’take charge’ and step up.   As it is, it appears that that the good general may have had help in drafting (and re-drafting) the book, not from Tony Holtz as the cover would suggest, but rather from Sir Humphrey Appleby.  His involvement, if any, however, cannot, of course, be commented on.
 

{ 2 comments }

I’m not a fan of the post-colonialist critique. Well, more to the point, I’m not a fan of the word ‘colonialism’ being used to describe any and every attempt by a given state/actor/person to influence another. There’s plenty of good work on colonialism, but lazy academia/journalism/activism has expanded the use of an important concept to the point that it becomes unusable as an analytical tool, or basis for judgement. Let’s not forget, colonialism is used as a basis for judgement. Saying that “colonialism is good” is tantamount to heresy in the liberal west, as much as bold-facedly stating that “colonialism was good” constitutes the starting pistol for an intellectual brawl. Even those who argue that colonialism wasn’t entirely a bad thing face barrages of complaints (see Niall Ferguson). Using the word ‘colonial’ tends to imply an automatic moral judgement on the part of the author, and expect a certain similar reaction in the part of the reader. For that reason, I tend to shy away from the word myself. There’s plenty of other words in the English language to describe the processes that I consider bad.

Having said all that, I’m going to ‘call’ colonialism on this article. Well, more to the point, I’m going to suggest that the author might want to read up on/cite a brief history of Europe’s empires (since we don’t tend to associate colonialism with earlier empires and Americans don’t like to think of themselves as an empire). One of the bits of ‘state-building’ that I find quite odd is the internal logic that assumes that dry technical reforms can somehow be divorced from nation-building (ie – meddling with someone’s culture, politics and nationalism etc). For historial reasons, Americans tend to call state-building nation-building, but the division exists (technical reform/assistance vs identity politics and nationalism). The problem is that the two are intimately linked, even if ‘we’ tend to disclaim any intervention in terms of identity and politics. Well, except the NGOs. The end result is that an article can espouse, in quite bland and agreeable terms, actions which would likely have significant and morally dubious effects if put into practise. As a thought experiment, re-read the article and imagine it as a manual for the Dutch East India Trading Company. After doing so, it is difficult to consider the actions espoused in the article without also thinking of the moral ramifications of such actions. Well, unless you want to forget a considerable chunk of history. That isn’t to take a particular stand on the issue one way or the other, but I think it’s important to consider the morality of operations, especially when you’re talking about re-ordering the power structure, politics and economy of a given group of people for your own benefit. I know, morality and society isn’t the military’s job, but killing people isn’t the State Department’s job. I’m sure that the SD would put a hell of a lot of thought into such issues if they were asked to start killing people, so I don’t see why the military shouldn’t do the same when getting into development.

{ 2 comments }

Q: What does Anders Breivik have to do with Marvel superheroes and hollywood blockbusters? A: Quite a lot. (Slight Avengers spoilers follow)

The last decade and a bit has consisted of two arcs: terrorism and superheroes. The world is now intimately familiar with both al-Qaeda and minor Marvel/DC intellectual property. There’s a fair bit of crossover – in the summer of 2001 I spent about a month and a half in the US, and happened to see the Spiderman trailer a month or so before 9/11 after which it was pulled for obvious reasons. A little over a decade later (two days back), I saw The Avengers, and I was slightly gobsmacked at the quantity of knowing (or unknowing) references to 9/11 in it. What struck me most about the film were the numerous Alan Moore references, which I’m sure were conscious on Joss Whedon’s part. If you don’t know who Alan Moore is, you might be familiar with the Watchmen film that was released a couple of years back (which butchered significant sections of the comic), or, visually, the iconic “Anonymous” mask is his work, from V is for Vendetta (also a great work butchered in film). In short, a recluse comic book author’s dystopian take on the concept of superheroes is now filtering through into the biggest hollywood blockbusters.

Here I’m going to make the argument that people writing about lone wolf terrorists should get a cup of tea/coffee and read up on Alan Moore. I understand that comics aren’t for everyone, even though Neil Gaiman’s Sandman is one of the best works of literature, full stop, IMHO. Moore is important because in Marvelman/Miracleman, he made the direct connection between the concept of a ‘superhero’ and Nietzsche/Nietzsche’s concept of the ‘superman’. He also made the corollary argument that rather than awe, or comedic anger, the correct societal response to such persons should be abject fear. In The Avengers, a major plot point hinges on the fact that ‘normal’ human society has no defence against superheroes. Echoing the pinnacle of Moore’s work on Marvelman, the denouement to the Avengers film references 9/11 memory walls in memory of the ordinary people killed in the crossfire when superheroes fight (there was plenty of framing dialogue about ‘containing’ the bad guys, but hey…). It wasn’t quite the climax of Moore’s work on Marvelman (in which the narrating ‘good’ protagonist admits to using a car full of innocent people as a weapon against the ‘evil’ supervillain) but the point stands – innocent people die when superheroes fight.

I think that superheroes happen to be an important way of thinking about ‘lone wolf’ terrorists such as Timothy McVeigh or Anders Breivik. A single person, capable of unleashing terrible force/changing the planet etc. Nietzsche was talking about Supermen as persons unbounded by the morality of the herd, Moore made the point that persons capable of unleashing terrible force should be an object of worry, regardless of whose side they happen to be on, and furthermore, there’s no reason to think that they might agree with ‘our’ way of thinking. Lone wolf terrorists are persons that are capable of unleashing terrible force, unbounded by the standards of a given society. In essence, they’re one part Nietzsche, one part Moore – dangerous and worrying despite lacking the funky Ironman suit or hammer of Thor.

Terrorism studies tends to situate itself in the level of organisations: networks of terrorists versus the state. More important, I think, is the relationship between the individual and the collective. This is one of the ‘deep’ questions of political philosophy. Reading Hobbes and Locke etc, one of the clear assumptions is that the balance of power is fundamentally stacked against the individual, at the most brute level, individuals might be able to use force, but in the face of the collective, or state, they are powerless, hence the need for rights, and arguments regarding the authority of sovereigns (the embodiment of the collective). There are challenges to this, in the form of assassins and first wave anarchists, but in reality, the state system is a giant boot, and individuals are ants. When the gloves ‘come off’, states can do terrible, terrible things to a person. The narrative of the lone individual against such a bureaucracy (see 1984, A Brave New World et al) is powerful for this reason. But what happens when this fundamental relationship is altered?

What is important about lone wolf terrorists, and, for similar reasons, movements such as anonymous, is that we’re sliding towards a world of ‘supermen’, and it’s not a pretty sight. The “Don’t tread on me” idea is relatively harmless when espoused by half baked survivalists defending bunkers in the Adirondack mountains against the IRS, but not so great when a single dissenting voice can shut down planet-wide infrastructure (see Paypal, Visa), or kill a significant amount of people (see McVeigh, Breivik). What happens when these individuals or small groups start going to war? There have been nods towards this in the real world (remember the Anonymous ‘vs’ the Mexican cartels hoax a while back?) but the worst is yet to come. What happens when Anonymous pisses off some criminal black hat hackers? What if another Breivik provokes a violent response from a similar type on the ‘other side’? In either case, lots of innocent people are going to get caught in the crossfire (admittedly, the Anonymous thing likely wouldn’t end in physical violence). The fundamental point of these people is that a single person with sufficient motivations can develop the skills to perform an act (likely one time, but there’s the Unabomber to think about) which horrifies the majority, and there’s little that our existing governmental architecture can do to prevent this.

What does the world, let alone a democracy, look like when a single dissenting voice, or small group of voices, can override (not simply be protected from) the will of the majority? If there’s one aspect of this that I’m certain of, it would have little to do with the existing literature on freedom and liberty, regardless of hue, be it Paine, Godwin or Marx. At the moment, democracy/society works by protecting individuals from the majority, but by exluding minority positions (see anarcho-primitivism as much as white power thugs) that most people disagree with. The whole ‘Occupy’ consensual decision making is fine, when working within a shared framework of people that want to talk to one another, but where would common ground be found in a discussion between UKIP and the left-er sections of the Labour party? The simple answer is that it wouldn’t – if fifty million people had a veto, the country would stop working. What worries me most about Breivik and Anonymous isn’t their particular ideology or goals, but what they represent – the forceful veto of the individual on the collective outside the democratic process.

{ 11 comments }

Tear Down This Paywall

by Thomas Rid 8 May 2012

It’s time for serious change in scholarly publishing. In fact a revolution is already under way, it just hasn’t arrived in political science yet. Here’s why we should bring the budding Academic Spring to the humanities and the social sciences. First the cause of the rebellion: the public is paying several times for research that is then not made [...]

6 comments Read more →

Object, Subject, Bullets

by Jack McDonald 8 May 2012

Metrics, metrics, metrics. Three out of the six pointers in this rather good Foreign Policy article concern the ability of military organisations to figure out their impact on the world around them. Surprisingly, the concept doesn’t appear (by name) in Robert C. Jones’ advice on the revision of the FM 3-24 manual. My considered response to [...]

2 comments Read more →

Borders, PNR and a whole lot of political guff

by Rob Dover 1 May 2012

In another classic week for the British government, the austerity games have claimed another badly chosen victim.. that of the mostly affluent and fickle foreign business traveller.. there’s literally nothing a business traveller wants more than to stand cheek by jowl with other fed-up sweaty business travellers for three hours to be badly greeted by [...]

3 comments Read more →

War Studies at 50

by Thomas Rid 27 April 2012

This spring the Department of War Studies is turning 50, as you probably saw already. To honour the occasion, the Department is hosting a series of conversations throughout the spring under the banner “War Studies at 50.” In these seminars, senior faculty and their guests will discuss the evolution and impact of the work of the Department in [...]

4 comments Read more →

Devil’s Advocation of the Day

by Jack McDonald 20 April 2012

Earlier this year I had a lively discussion with a BA student regarding the video of marines urinating over the dead bodies of their dead opponents. The argument boiled down to the questions of whether we need to understand their mindset prior to judging their actions, or whether we need or should even attempt to [...]

17 comments Read more →

The Tyranny of Cousins and the Death of Difference: Breivik, NeoTribalism, and The New Totalitarianism

by The Faceless Bureaucrat 20 April 2012

The Web was supposed to kill distance.  I think it kills difference.  And that is far more significant. In reading the comment left by Syrynx regarding Dave Betz’s thought-provoking piece, I started thinking about the order of action proposed by Reinbold: Find your tribe. Decide what you believe. Rally them around you. Like Syrynx, I found that [...]

7 comments Read more →

Babies and Insurgencies: Refining the COIN’dinista Zeitgeist*

by Jill Sargent Russell 19 April 2012

[*I cannot take credit for the phrase, but I think it is a brilliant display of the agility for which the English language is famous. James Nicoll’s quote sums up this attribute best: "The problem with defending the purity of the English language is that English is about as pure as a cribhouse whore. We [...]

3 comments Read more →